Research methods for managers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Research methods for managers - Essay Example tive philosophy, business management in social world is so complex that faces several difficulties while formulating laws and theories like in natural science. Moreover, the philosophy represents the meaning and truth of simple facts for every situation. In order to justify the application of research philosophies, the research topic which has been selected for the purpose of the study is â€Å"Motivation of knowledge workers in the financial service industry in Japan†. In this research topic, both positivism and interpretivism as the research philosophies can be applied as the topic covers the motivation factor and knowledge level of employees. The application of both philosophies is described below. Positivism philosophy is a typical philosophy that analyzes and evaluates the result of a task or an input by the implementation of few statistical methods. The motivation level of knowledge employees in Japanese financial sector is increasing. To overview the study, positivism philosophy can be implemented. The companies are paying the extra monitory incentives to the knowledge employees after achieving their monthly, quarterly or yearly targets in order to motivate them. Several scientific and statistical methods are being implemented in order to increase business performance in the company. The strategy of incentives is creating threat for the typical Japanese businesses. Moreover, the economic changes affect the business performances of the financial companies. Increasing costs of required software, computer hardware and telecommunication equipments are driving the financial service companies to implement more aggressive business strategies. Several statistical methods in positi vism philosophy can be implemented to identify the natural factors that impact business (Burns & Burns, 2008, p.17). The philosophy reflects the critical thinking of positivism philosophy (Daymon & Holloway, 2010, p.71). In order to study the motivation of knowledge worker in the Japanese

Genetic, Biological and Environmental Influences on School-Age Crack Research Paper

Genetic, Biological and Environmental Influences on School-Age Crack Babies in Dealing with Multiple Stimuli and Forming Close - Research Paper Example Research has shown that almost one million infants born in the USA have been at one time exposed to one of the many illicit drugs while in utero. The social effects associated with these infants or crack babies when normally present themselves clearly when these children reach age of going to school. In most cases, the stimulation process becomes very erratic and such children are faced with difficulties of dealing with these multiple stimuli and have issues when it comes to having close attachments with people around them such a teachers and other pupils (McNichol & Tash, 2001). Dealing with multiple stimuli and forming close attachments Research has shown that we have a permanent developmental, neurological and behavior consequences which could be directly attributed to the exposure on drug use by parents. One notable thing has been that parents and even academic institutions are still quite unprepared in dealing with this problem effectively (McNichol & Tash, 2001). Given the envi ronment in which such children are exposed to at an early age, it becomes difficult for them to integrate fully with the society around them. It is a known fact that children do inherit certain genetic components from their parents. The drug use interferes with a child’s development. ... Close observations made on these children have shown that they are normally persistently withdrawn from their environment and enjoy personal space more than keeping company of others. It has also been noted that these crack babies are normally prone to some sudden snaps and episodes of violent behavior as compared to other children. These have been attributed to the fact that their parents exposed them to drugs in their prenatal stage. Research has shown that infants exposed to cocaine during the prenatal stage exhibit increased risk of having motor dysfunction (Schneider & Chasnoff, 1992). Also, the risk of having intra-venicular hemorrhages is increased. Questions still abound as to the exact effect of hemorrhages when it comes to the development process. The exposure has been noted to majorly affect the central nervous system causing abnormalities to these children (Doberczak, 1988). Fulroth, Phillips and Durand (1989) noted that a number of babies who have been exposed to cocaine in their prenatal stages show signs of withdrawal from the society or the environment around them. However, some researchers did dispute this basing their argument to the fact that the duration after birth matters and that the children normally normalize after the ages of 1 to 2 years. However, 30 to 40% of those children studied showed that they experienced language development problems which were compounded by attention problems that went through their fourth year of growth (Schneider & Chasnoff, 1992). Other studies have also shown that many of the children who have been borne out of drug abuse related mothers have numerous cognitive and behavioral difficulties. This has been attributed to the environmental influences. Other studies such

Annotated Bibliography Essay Example for Free

Annotated Bibliography Essay Juleen K. Buser, Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development 37.2 (April 2009): 94-104 This article is a great article that relates to African Americans seeking mental health treatment at lower rates than whites. The article states that this disparity can be attributed to attitudes toward services, alternate coping, and differences in care. This article also illuminates biases in counseling. Snowden, Lonnie R, Barriers to Effective Mental Health Services for African Americans, Vol. 3, Issue 4, 181-187 (Dec. 2001). Social Services and Welfare, Psychology This article states that many African Americans do not seek proper mental health care. It states that the ones that do generally drop out. The article attempts to define the causes and the effects that would help alleviate this problem. McField, Edward, Culture, acculturation, and social capital: Latinos and use of mental health services. Loma Linda University, 2010. 3405317 This article states that Latinos suffer from the same mental disorders as others, but when they do, they receive less than standard care. The article gives the results of studies that state that state that there is an association between acculturation, models of illness, stigma, need, and mental health service use. Organista, Kurt C. New Model for Latinos in Need of Social Work Services, Social Work, 54.4, (Oct 2009). 297-305 This article is wonderful in that it gives some of the best pragmatic models and concepts in the cultural competence literature. This article states ways in which to enhance cultural sensitivity, as well as increasing awareness of the Latino experience and understanding of problem patterns in their historical, social, and cultural contexts. Borup, J. (1999, May/June). Foundations of social work practice with lesbian and gay. Families in Society, 80.3, 308-309. Describes a foundation for helping gay and lesbians for the human services worker. When helping or working with a person who is gay or lesbian it is important to have knowledge of professional literature,  experiences from professional peers, history, and the actual case information. It is also important to remember the family history, for this characterizes and confronts any myths associated with this particular lifestyle. The lack of social support and homophobia can create consequences to those who are not accepting of this community. The author is educating students about the knowledge and facts on working with the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender community and the most important is the code of ethics for social workers. Cavet, J. (2000, Oct). Children and young people with a hidden disability: and examination of the social work role. British Journal of Social Work, 30.5, 619. The recent study described that children and young people with hidden and impairment received a social work service which was at a minimal level. It is recognized that the level of social services intervention available to these families may be a reflection of a low priority assigned to disabled children. A change in priorities is needed which recognizes the importance of knowledgeable support to disabled children as a means of improving their environment and reducing families stress levels and the likelihood of abuse or rejection. Copeland, C.A. (2011, January/February). School librarians of the 21st century using resources and assistive technologies to support students’ differences and abilities. Knowledge Quest, 39.3, 64-69. This article describes the many ways librarians can help differently abled children realize they are special. And by librarians having all the resources (informational and technical) they can further help these differently abled children understand how truly especially able they are. It opens their eyes to their own gifts and abilities and this helps the librarians these abilities to develop the information literacy skills and multi-literacies necessary for lifelong learning. The National Center for Education Statistics shows that approximately one in seven students have one or more characteristics society defines as a disability. Technologies can be selected and so they can best meet the needs of the students who are differently abled. Donahue, P. (2005, July-September). Current perspective and future directions  for social work practice and research. Families in Society, 86.3, 359-366. This article describes the aging gay and lesbian community. Past research of this community focused more on the gay White man, well-educated, active in the gay community and high socioeconomic backgrounds. This study examines current roles of social work regarding research with older gay men and lesbians and presents recommendations for both practice and research in the years ahead. Not only is this community of sexism, they are also victims of ageism. Future work must strive to be more representative of older lesbians, geographic diversity, and classes because these variables play an important role in shaping the gay aging experience. Bell-Tolliver, L., Burgess, R., Brock, L. J. (2009). African American therapists working with African American families: An exploration of the strengths perspective in treatment. Journal of Marital and Family Therapy, 35(3), 293-307. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/220979644?accountid=35812 When working with African Americans and Native Americans human service workers must consider important factors. When doing a study researches found 5 strengths that African Americans showed. They have strong kinship bonds, strong work orientation, adaptability of family roles, strong achievement orientation, and strong religious orientation. African American family is defined as an intimate association of persons of African descent who are related to one another by a variety of means, including blood, marriage, formal adoption, informal adoption, or by appropriation; sustained by a history of common residence in America; and deeply embedded in a network of social structures both internal to and external to itself (Bell, 2009). Waites, C. (2009). Building on strengths: Intergenerational practice with African American families. Social Work, 54(3), 278-87. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/215269004?accountid=35812 These families are diverse groups of people with their own ideas, opinions, and values. African American families have strengths, and that the use of those strengths within the therapeutic setting can lead to successful outcomes. We also believe that understanding the strengths of African American families can help mental health professionals develop successful treatment outcomes for families. It is critical that professionals gain an understanding of how these strengths impact the functioning of the African American family to empower families who are struggling. When helping this group we should focus  on their strengths and not their weaknesses (Waites, 2009). Michael, T. G., Eugene, F. P. (2000). Red as an apple: Native American acculturation and counseling with or without reservation. Journal of Counseling and Development: JCD, 78(1), 3-13. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/219014436?accountid=35812 The United States Bureau of Indian Affairs (1988) legally defines Native American as a person who is an enrolled or registered member of a tribe or whose blood quantum is one fourth or more genealogically derived from Native American ancestry. When working with Native Americans one must remember that they are very religious and hold traditional values and beliefs. They practice only traditional tribal customs and methods of worship. However some Native Americans may be more willing in the practices of other cultures. That is why the counselor must not make assumptions without gathering further information (F.P, 2000). Kathleen, A. E. (2000). Counseling with Native American Indians and Alaska Natives. Families in Society, 81(5), 543-543. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/230163172?accountid=35812 Culturally based treatments may be needed. This group can be offended very easily and the counselor must be careful not to overbear (A.E, 2000). Latino-Kuglin, M. (2009). Latino outreach. Children Libraries, 7(3), 42-46. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/212161869?accountid=35812 â€Å"Its a way to celebrate Latino heritage, literacy, and families coming together at the library, said Watts. She said Dà ­a celebrations at HCL have two goals. The first is to celebrate the heritage of the community that we see already. Weve got libraries that have large Spanish- speaking populations that actively use the library, so this is a way to celebrate and acknowledge the community that is already there. No-show: Therapist Racial/ethnic Disparities in Client Unilateral http://psycnet.apa.org. N.p. In the present study, the authors examined the source of racial/ethnic minority disparities in unilateral termination form of dropout that is associated with poor alliance and outcome. First, the authors must be tested whether some therapists were more likely to have clients who reported unilaterally terminating as compared with other therapists. Next, the authors examined 2 competing hypotheses regarding the therapists role in  termination disparities: (a) that racial/ethnic disparities in unilateral termination are similar across therapists and thus due to other components of the treatment process or (b) that racial/ethnic disparities in unilateral termination are specific to therapists, where some therapists are more likely, on average, to have higher rates of unilateral termination with REM clients as compared with white clients.

Self Objectification and the Sexualization of Girls

Self Objectification and the Sexualization of Girls Contemporary Western culture has essentially commodified the female body and form and we now live in a society where womens bodies tend to be valued as appearance-based, sexual objects; objects that can be viewed and appraised, bought and sold, and ultimately consumed, by other individuals and society as a whole. Sexual objectification of the female body exists along a continuum ranging from the literal (e.g., human sex trafficking, modeling, participating in pageants) to figurative (e.g., media representations, using womens bodies in advertising). Further, sexual objectification represents both a cultural as well as interpersonal phenomenon; one in which women and girls are reduced to and primarily valued for their appearance and, more specifically, their ability to conform to societys increasingly narrow standards for a sexually desirable body. Thus, the experience of sexual objectification can be both direct (e.g., women and girls personal experiences of being judged on their appe arance and sexual desirability) as well as indirect (i.e., women and girls observation of the treatment and sexual objectification of other women and girls) (Crawford et al., 2009). A number of feminist theorists (e.g., Kaschak, 1992; Ussher, 1989) have argued that one of the many potential consequences of living in a society of pervasive sexual objectification, girls and women will internalize this sexual objectification and begin to objectify themselves. That is, over time women learn, through both their interpersonal experiences and vicarious observation of society and popular culture, that their looks matter, that other peoples appraisal of their appearance can determine how they are treated, and, these evaluations can even affect the quality of their social and economic lives. Objectification theory (Fredrickson Roberts, 1997) is a framework for understanding a variety of psychological and physical consequences women may face as a result of living in a culture that sexually objectifies their bodies. This theory describes the process through which women internalize both the belief that appearance is critical component of womens worth as well as cultures standards of near physical perfection and then ultimately determine their value as an individual based on their ability to meet these standards (Crawford et al., 2009). However, as each successive cohort of women since the late 1950s has faced standards of thinness and beauty that are increasingly more difficult to achieve (Garner et al., 1980; Wiseman et al., 1992), the current cultural body and appearance standards for women are now both incredibly unhealthy as well as virtually unattainable (Sptizer, Henderson, Zivian, 1999). For those women who connect these standards to their identity and self-worth, the failure to achieve or compare to this idealized female body is likely to result in feelings of shame and anxiety about their bodies (Bartky, 1988; Lewis, 2000). The traditional view of self-objectification (i.e., valuing ones body more on the basis of outward appearance than performance, health, or function), in turn, is theorized to be associated with an array of emotional and physical consequences, including an increase in body shame, body dissatisfaction, decreased awareness of internal states, depression, sexual dysfunction, and symptoms of eating disorders (Noll Fredrickson, 1998). In the literature, the concept of self-objectification has been used interchangeably with the term objectified body consciousness. McKinley and Hydes (1996) similar construct of objectified body consciousness consists of three primary components: Self-surveillance, body shame, and appearance control. An individual with an objectified body consciousness closely monitors their body from the view of a third person, exhibits body shame when they fail to achieve the cultural expectations, and believes that individuals are able to control their appearance, respectively. Over the last decade, a considerable body of evidence has been documented in support of the proposed tenets of these theories among both adult and adolescent women within a variety of contexts (for an extensive review: Moradi Huang, 2008). Self-objectification and objectified body consciousness have been empirically linked to a plethora of negative psychosocial and physical outcomes, including low body esteem (McKinley, 1998, 1999; McKinley Hyde, 1996; Noll Fredrickson, 1998), depression (Harrison Frederickson, 2003; Miner-Rubino, Twenge, Fredrickson, 2002; Muehlenkamp Saris-Baglama, 2002; Tolman et al., 2006), restrictive eating and eating disorders (Fredrickson et al., 1998; McKinley, 1999; Muehlenkamp Saris-Baglama, 2002; Noll Fredrickson, 1998; Slater Tiggemann, 2002; Tiggemann Lynch, 2001; Tiggemann Slater, 2001), sexual dysfunction (Roberts Gettman, 2004; Wiederman, 2001) and even an increased likelihood of smoking cigarettes (Harrell, 2002). Additionally, experimen tal induction of temporary states of self-objectification has resulted in decreased performance, both physical and cognitive. In one study of over 200 girls, aged 10 to 17 years, Frederickson and Harrison (2005) found that increasing levels of self-objectification predicted poorer motor performance while throwing a softball. Additionally, in their now infamous study, Frederickson and colleagues (1998) found that after asking women to try on a swimsuit and evaluate their appearance in a mirror, these women performed worse on a short math test compared to the women in the control group who completed the same appearance evaluation task in a sweater; findings which have been consistently replicated across multiple sexes and sexual orientations (Hebl, King, Lin, 2004; Martins, Tiggemann, Kirkbride, 2007). To date, much of this research has been conducted utilizing convenience samples of predominately U.S., undergraduate university students (e.g., Miner-Rubino et al., 2002; Morry Staska, 2001; Muelenkamp Saris-Baglama, 2002; Quinn, Kallen, Cathey, 2006) as well as other subgroups vulnerable to objectification, such as dancers (Parsons Betz, 2001; Slater Tiggemann, 2002; Tiggemann Slater, 2001) in part due to their high rates of body dissatisfaction and eating disorders as well as the perceived likelihood of these groups experiencing sexually objectifying situations. While these characteristics certainly make these groups ideal for testing predictions based on objectification theory and the objectified body consciousness construct, they also mean that demographic qualities such as age range, socioeconomic status, and ethnicity are restricted in comparison to the general population. This has greatly limited the generalizability of the findings to other groups of women and made it d ifficult to investigate developmental aspects of self-objectification. Furthermore, given the ubiquitous nature of the sexual objectification of women, self-objectification and an objectified body consciousness are likely to be relevant constructs in the lives of all women. This line of research is far from complete and prior studies and reviews have repeatedly called for additional research addressing group specific manifestations of self-objectification and its related concepts and outcomes within the framework of objectification theory. Despite the notion and evidence to suggest that eating and body image issues begin to develop prior to adolescence, from a developmental perspective, preadolescent girls remain one group that has been understudied to this date. Puberty and Adolescence One potential reason for this exclusion is due to the particular importance assigned to the contribution and timing of puberty in the emergence of self-objectification by both objectification theory as well as objectified body consciousness theory. Specifically, as girls physically and sexually develop into their mature adult forms, their bodies are increasingly judged and commented upon, and subjected to sexual objectification from others, which, according to objectification theory, results in girls adopting a outsiders view of their own bodies to ensure compliance with the social standard (Fredrickson Roberts, 1997). Although there is considerable variation in the individual timing and tempo of puberty (Tanner, 1972), research in the related, albeit more general, areas of body image and body dissatisfaction have routinely shown puberty to be an important risk factor for a variety of psychosocial problems in adolescence, including depression and eating disorders (Angold, Costello, Worthman, 1998; Stice, Agras, Hammer, 1999; Weichold, Silbereisen, Schmitt-Rodermund, 2003). This work in the areas of body image and body dissatisfaction suggests three primary ways in which physical development during puberty could result in body shame. First, the start of puberty initiates a series of dramatic appearance related changes for most adolescents. For example, normal female pubertal development involves the addition of approximately 24 pounds of body fat (Warren, 1983) which represents a typical change in body fat composition from about 16% to 27% and a muscle-to-fat ratio of 5 to 4 by the end of puberty (Brown et al., 2010; Smoll Schutz, 1990). This weight gain and increase in body fat is entirely inconsistent with the current social ideal of an ultra thin, prepubertal, female body ideal and a likely source of adolescent girls dissatisfaction with their bodies (Graber et al., 1994; Spitzer, Henderson, Zivian, 1999; Stice Whitenton, 2002). Similarly, all of these sudden physical changes may redirect or enhance adolescents already greater tendency toward self-consciousness (Jones, 2004; Rankin et al., 2004). Some of the previously described body image research with adults supports this concept and has shown that directing individuals attention to their physical appearance, even temporarily, can result in increased reports of self-surveillance as well as body shame (e.g., Fredrickson et al., 1998; Hebl, King, Lin, 2004; Martins, Tiggemann, Kirkbride, 2007). Finally, in addition to directing adolescents attention to their own physical appearance, the physical changes of puberty likely direct others attention to the adolesce nts body as well; attention that is commonly in the form of peer sexual harassment, particularly for early developing girls (American Association of University Women, 2001). A growing body of research suggests that sexual harassment during adolescence is normative and related to pubertal development (McMaster et al., 2002; Murnen Smolak, 2000). Likewise, in a study of 166 girls aged 10- to 12-years-old (mean age 11.2 years), Lindberg, Grabe, Hyde (2007) showed that more advanced pubertal development and greater sexual harassment from peers predicted increases in both girls engagement in self-surveillance as well as body shame. Consequently, much of the research on the tenets of self-objectification and objectified body consciousness, as well as the proposed psychosocial outcomes has focused on the experiences of mostly post pubertal adolescents and young adults. However, despite the proposed role of puberty in the development of self-objectification; research in related areas suggests that body image concerns are likely starting much earlier than puberty. Numerous researchers have documented that body image concerns and dissatisfaction are significant for most adolescent girls in both clinical and non clinical samples (Bunnell et al., 1992; Smolak Levine, 2001; Thompson et al., 1999b), regardless of eating pathology or weight (Rodin, Silberstein, Streigel-Moore, 1985); findings which have subsequently been explained as normative discontent. In other words, because a majority of women tend to be dissatisfied with their bodies, negative body attitudes are, in fact, quite normal. Thus, by adolescence, many girls have already developed weight and body concerns and may even have engaged in attempts to alter or control their weight and body shape. Although a significant proportion of the previous research on disordered eating and body image dissatisfaction has focused on adult women and adolescent girls, an emerging line of research has begun to examine these constructs among pre-pubescent children as well (Cusumano and Thompson, 2001; Davison, Markey, Birch, 2003; Dohnt Tiggemann, 2004; Field et al., 1999a; Ricciardelli McCabe, 2001; Ricciardelli, McCabe, Banfield, 2000; VanderWal Thelen, 2000). And thus, while the role of pubertal development is certainly notable, it is also an incomplete picture of why and how self-objectification likely develops. Sexualization of Girls A complimentary perspective and emerging line of research particularly relevant to the potential causes and outcomes of self-objectification concerns that of the sexualization of girls. According to the Report of the American Psychological Association Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls (2007), sexualization is used to describe the treatment of others or oneself as sexual objects and, as things rather than as people with legitimate sexual feelings of their own. Sexualized individuals are valued primarily for their physical appearance and, more specifically, their sex appeal. The phenomenon of sexualization has been observed and commented upon by an ever widening array of academics and cultural critics, as well as the popular media. Emma Rush and Andrea La Nauze of The Australia Institute (2006b) have similarly defined sexualization as, the act of giving someone or something a sexual character, which, when applied to children includes inappropriately imposing or encouraging, ster eotypical forms of adult sexuality. In the book, The Lolita Effect, Gigi Durham (2008) commented at length on the complimentary social phenomenon of viewing and treating little girls as sexy as well as encouraging adult women to be sexy by adopting childlike habits and clothing trends (e.g., Mary Jane shoes, lollipops, school uniforms). While children have always been exposed to adult sexuality through popular culture and media, the very direct sexualization of children by media and society, is a considerably more recent development. According to Rush La Nauze (2006b), the term corporate paedophilia is a metaphor coined by Phillip Adams to describe the marketing strategy of age compression, where previously adult/adolescent products are aimed at younger and younger children in order to guarantee more consumers (Lamb and Brown, 2006; Levin and Kilbourne, 2008; Rush La Nauze, 2006a). Rush and La Nauze (2006b) operationally define this concept as advertising and marketing that either seek to present children in sexually suggestive ways, or seek to sell product to children using overt forms of adult sexuality. Despite the potential negative connotations, with 27 million children aged 7 to 14 years, the contemporary tween market is a rather lucrative demographic with tremendous discretionary purchasing power, including a subset of 2.7 million that, in 2001, spent more than $14 billion on clothing alone (Nieder and Figueroa, 2001). Although both girls and boys are exposed to adult sexuality through popular culture and media, the direct marketing of sexualized materials to children is notably directed toward young girls (Rush La Nauze, 2006b). A 1999 article in Entrepreneur magazine described how girls represent a better niche market than boys because, like their adult female counterparts, girls tend to purchase predictable economic stuff, including clothing, accessories, and beauty products (Phillipps, 1999). And, in 2007, NPD Group reported that 7- to 14-year-old girls spent $11.5 billion on apparel, up from $10.5 billion in 2004 (Sweeney, 2008). Taking notice, corporations like MGA Entert ainment, producer of the Bratz dolls, have licensed a line of Bratz clothing and accessories for little girls that include a matching hip-hugger underpants and padded bra set (Opplinger, 2008). Slim-fit t-shirts in stretchy fabrics are now sold in childrens sizes with slogans such as, So many boys, so little time and, Scratch and Sniff across the chest and Pollett and Hurwitz (2004) noted that thong underwear are now offered in tween stores as well as childrens wear departments, often with decorations that will specifically appeal to children. Retail stores such as Limited Too and Justice, which cater exclusively to the tween demographic sell lingerie items such as camisoles and lacy panties, items that once would have been marketed solely to adults (Lamb Brown, 2006). Likewise, the younger sister of Miley Cyrus (of Disney Channel fame) recently began marketing her own lingerie line for tweens. National chains such as Target and J.C. Penny are now selling padded bras and thong pant ies for young girls that feature cherries and slogans such as Wink-Wink and Eye Candy, while in 2008, Wal-Mart offered a pair of thong underwear in childrens sizes emblazoned with the phrase, Who needs a credit card? Not to be left out, pink baby bibs sold at that same chain bore such phrases as, Always Dress to Impress, Kisses 25Â ¢, and Drama Queen. The cosmetics industry has also seen the value of marketing their products to younger and younger girls. In 2001, a survey by the NPD Group showed that, on average, women began using beauty products at 17. Today, the average is 13, and even this is likely to be an overstatement. According to the same report, 8- to 12-year-olds were already spending more than $40 million a month on beauty products. In 2003, according to Experian, a market research company based in New York, 43% of 6- to 9-year-olds were already using lipstick or lip gloss; 38% used hairstyling products; and 12% used other cosmetics. In a study last year, 55% of 6- to 9-year-old girls said they used lip gloss or lipstick and nearly two-thirds said they used nail polish. From 2007 to 2009, the percentage of girls ages 8- to 12-years-old, who regularly use mascara and eyeliner nearly doubled to 18% from 10% for mascara, and to 15% from 9% for eyeliner. The percentage of girls using lipstick also rose, to 15% from 10% (Qu enqua, 2010). Of serious concern within the medical community is research that suggests some of these products may have highly negative consequences from prolonged usage, particularly for children and pre-pubertal adolescents. While race, obesity, and genetics are likely determinants of pubertal timing, a growing body of research suggests that hormonally active environmental agents may also alter the course of pubertal development in girls, which is controlled by endogenous steroids and gonadotropins (Jacobson-Dickman Lee, 2009; Rasier et al., 2006). Some of these chemicals include a number of phenols and phthalates, such as Bisphenol A (BPA), which act like estradiol as hormone agonists and, in animals, have been shown to accelerate pubertal development (Rasier et al., 2006). In the previously described study examining early onset puberty among 7- to 8-year-old girls, Wolff and colleagues (2010) discovered elevated exposure to endocrine disruptors that are commonly found in nail polishes and oth er cosmetics. Toy shops now sell items such as the Girls Ultimate Spa and Perfume Kit (for use by up to eight kids and perfect for spa parties, sleepovers, and rainy days); the Body Shop has lip glosses intended for teens and fruity lip glosses for preteens; Claires, an accessory store in almost every shopping mall, offers lip gloss in flavors that appeal primarily to young girls (e.g., Dr Pepper, Skittles). Mattel Corporation, producer of Barbie dolls, offers lip glosses and perfumes to their junior consumers with names such as, Free Spirit, Summer Fun, and Super Model (Opplinger, 2008). Similarly, large spa chains and salons now offer a variety of services for children, including several companies devoted to providing services to child customers exclusively. Sweet Sassy salons and Dashing Diva franchises advertise services for girls 5- to 11-years-old and offer options such as virgin Cosmos in martini glasses and pink limos as part of birthday parties for groups of girls. Similarly, at any of t he 90 mall-based, Club Libby Lu stores nationwide, girls can mix their own lip gloss and partake in celebrity makeovers and mini fashion shoots (one of the most popular being Hannah Montana) (Sweeney, 2008). Products and services such as these highlight just how mainstream it has become to turn children into cute and sexy little objects. And, although adults and much of society have become somewhat desensitized to this sexualization of girls, children remain especially vulnerable to marketers efforts because of the very way they think. Under the age of eight, children have trouble understanding that the purpose of an ad is to get them to buy something and if they see a child smiling and looking happy, they are unlikely realize its because the child is being paid to look that way. Young children tend to believe what they see, so that when other children are presented as both sexualized and happy, they believe it will be that way for them too (Oates, Blades, Gunter, 2002; Singer Revenson, 1996). Young childrens thinking tends to focus on one thing at a time and only on what they can see. They dont consider multiple aspects of a situation or the relationships between those aspects and they tend not to look at what lies beneath the surface of objects, images, and actions such as the motives, intentions, and feelings underlying sexual behavior Singer Revenson, 1996). In other words, children are already predisposed to attend to appearance and this is particularly damaging and problematic to children and adolescents who are developing their sense of themselves as sexual beings (APA, 2007). Ultimately, girls are encouraged to construct a sexy appearance, yet it is highly unlikely they personally understand what it means to be sexual or to have sexual desires (APA, 2007). Strasburger and Wilson (2002) argued that preadolescents and adolescents are like actors who experiment with different features of their newly forming identities; a plasticity which may make them especially sus ceptible to media and cultural messages linking social popularity and acceptance with various sexualized products and services. Given the tendency for adult women to internalize and actively pursue these social ideals despite greater cognitive resources and media/marketing literacy, it is likely that young girls would also start to adopt an observers view of their bodies and an increased focus on appearance over time and particularly with increased interaction with and consumption of culture that promotes this ideal. Quite simply, between padded bras, adult fashions in youth sizes, make-up and accessories, girls are no longer living in a world where puberty is the true beginning of their sexual objectification by others. Thus, it stands to reason that given enough exposure to this appearance culture, some girls may internalize these values at early ages than previously theorized. Body Image and Concerns in Childhood Although the work is limited, as compared to studies with adults, body image research with children suggests that children as young as 3-years-old may start to show an awareness and even mild endorsement of popular social attitudes about bodies, most notably anti-fat bias and a preference for thinness (Cramer Steinwert, 1998; Musher-Eizenman et al., 2003). However, while measurable, research with young children is generally interpreted with great caution due to their limited cognitive development and generally studies show support for greater awareness and endorsement of these beliefs and preferences beginning between the ages of 5- and 6-years-old (Cramer Steinwert, 1998; Davison, Markey Birch, 2000; Lowes Tiggemann, 2003; Musher-Eizenman et al., 2003; Thelan et al., 1992; Tiggemann Wilson-Barrett, 1998). Because research with children is generally limited by their language and reading skills, most studies on weight and body image have relied primarily on a variety of verbal preference and adjective attribution tasks using age and sex specific figure arrays (Collins, 1991; Hill, Oliver, Roger, 1992; Gardner, Sorter, Friedman, 1997; Musher-Eizenman et al., 2003; Stager Burke, 1982; Truby Paxton, 2002; Williamson Delin, 2001) while reserving surveys and questionnaires for older children (Flanneryschroeder Chrisler, 1996). Unfortunately, a thorough understanding of weight and body image concerns in children is also limited by the great variety in actual constructs being measured (e.g., anti-fat bias, preference for thinness, body dissatisfaction, weight concerns, dieting) as well as differences in the age ranges of the child participants (Smolak, 2004). Despite these limitations, results from several studies suggest that childrens reports of weight and body concerns range between 3 7% and 50% for girls aged 8- to 13-years-old (Collins, 1991; Field et al., 1999a; Rolland, Farnill, Griffiths, 1997; Schur, Sanders, Steiner, 2000; Schreiber et al., 1996) and a 1998 review by Smolak, Levine, and Schermer (1998) found that an average of 40% of girls in late elementary school reported weight and body image concerns. In addition to simply being present and measurable at these ages, weight and body image concerns also appear to be rather consistent and predictive over time. In a longitudinal study of 182 girls, Davison, Markey, and Birch (2003) found that girls were consistent with regard to their reported weight and body concerns from 5- to 9-years-old. Furthermore, even after statistically controlling for weight, girls who reported higher weight or body image concerns between the ages of 5- and 7-years-old also reported higher rates of dietary restriction, disordered eating attitudes, and dieting at age 9 (Davison, Markey, Birch, 2003). Research on the relationships between childrens weight and body image concerns to dieting mirrors patterns in similar studies with adults (Feldman, Feldman, Goodman, 1998; Flanneryschroeder Chrisler, 1996; Freedman, 1984; Gilbert, 1998; Wardle Marsland, 1990) as in adult women. Although dieting behaviors are more commonly reported by older children ranging from 8- to 13-years-old (Rolland, Farnill, Griffiths, 1996; Thelen et al., 1992), there is evidence to suggest elementary school children (grades 3 through 6) are not only knowledgeable about weight loss methods (Schur, Sanders, Steiner, 2000), but they may be reliable reporters of dieting behaviors as well (Kostanski Gullone, 1999). Thus, while weight and body image concerns are perhaps more obvious during adolescence (Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, Rodin, 1986), their origins are likely found in childhood, as by middle childhood, weight and body image concerns are already normative among girls. Contributing Factors An overwhelming number of studies with adolescents and adult women point to a variety of sociocultural factors, most notably family, peers, and media, as the primary source of influence in the development of poor body image and disordered eating (Stice, 1994, 2001, 2002; Stice Shaw, 1994; Thompson et al., 1999b; Thompson Stice, 2001; van den Berg et al., 2002). The basic premise of these models is quite consistent with both objectification theory and the construct of objectified body consciousness and addresses a number of relevant constructs from Social Comparison Theory (Festinger, 1954) while ultimately focusing on internalization of the thin ideal. In general, these theories posit weight and body image concerns develop as a result of discrepancies between the actual and ideal self resulting from social comparisons and feedback from family, peers, and media. As the previously discussed sexualization material suggests, children are likely no less subject to societal pressures tha n adults and adolescent and sociocultural models have now been adapted to explain the development of childrens weight and body concerns (Ricciardelli et al., 2003; Smolak Levine, 2001). Mothers Given the pivotal role of families, more specifically mothers, in young childrens lives, it is perhaps not surprising that much of the sociocultural research on the development of weight and body concerns in childhood has focused on the potential role parents (e.g., Davison, Markey, Birch, 2000; Hill Pallin, 1998; Kluck 2010; Lowes Tiggemann, 2003; McCabe et al., 2007; Ricciardelli et al., 2003; Smolak, Levine, Schermer, 1999). Despite many changes in contemporary culture and across a wide variety of developmental theories, families consistently remain important social reinforcers and role models often credited with constructing and maintaining environments that influence childrens beliefs and behaviors, not only during childhood and adolescence but across the lifespan as well (Bandura McDonald, 1963; Killeya-Jones et al., 2007; Parke Buriel, 2008). With specific regard to self-objectification and objectified body consciousness, McKinley (1999) found significant positive correlations between mothers and their late adolescent daughters body surveillance, body esteem, BMI, and desired weight. Similarly, in a cross cultural study of objectified body consciousness, Crawford and colleagues (2009) found that body shame in mothers was related to body shame in adult daughters for a Nepali sample. With regard to related body image and dietary constructs, numerous studies have identified similarities between mothers and daughters body image concerns and disordered eating patterns (Evans le Grange, 1995; Hill Franklin, 1998; Hill, Weaver, Blundell, 1990; Kichler Crowther, 2001; Rieves Cash, 1996; Sanftner et al., 1996; Smolak, Levine, Schermer, 1999). One way researchers have suggested that a mothers physical appearance orientation can negatively influence daughters is through modeling of behaviors such as dieting or disordered eating (e.g., Keel, Heatherton, Harnden, Hornig, 1997; Kichler Crowther, 2001; Pike, 1995; Pike and Rodin, 1991). Although much of this research has focused on adolescents, similar results emerge in studies of younger children (e.g., Abramovity Birch, 2000; Stice, Agras, Hammer, 1999 Williamson Delin, 2001). Interestingly, in a sample of 5- to 10-year old girls, Williamson and Delin (2001) found it was mothers weight concerns rather than the childs actual weight that predicted childrens weight concerns. Similarly, Abramovity and Birch (2000) found a sample of 5-year-old girls were twice as likely to report ideas about dieting if their mothers were dieting. Yet another way researcher have suggested that a mothers appearance orientation can negatively influence daughters body image and eating behaviors in a more direct manner through verbal comments, which range in form from criticism (Hahn-Smith and Smith, 2001; Smolak, Levine, Schermer, 1999) to teasing and fat talk (Nichter, 2000; Schwartz et al., 1999), and even encouraging to diet (Benedikt, Wertheim, Love, 1998); phenomena which appear to increase as girls approach adolescence (Striegel-Moore Kearney-Cooke, 1994; Thelen Cormier, 1995). However, while most studies have found strong positive relationships between daughters and their mothers self-reports of weight and body image concerns among late adolescents and adults, several notably inconsistent exceptions exist, particularly in studies of younger girls. In the previously mentioned cross cultural study (Crawford et al., 2009), none of the objectified body consciousness measures correlated between mothers and their late adoles cent daughters in the US sample, and in the previously mentioned McKinley (1999) study, there were no relationships between mothers and daughters scores for body shame or control beliefs. Likewise, Lindberg, Hyde, and McKinley (2006) did not find any positive associations between mothers and their 10 to 12-year-old daughters objectified body consciousness measures, and in fact, found small negative correlations between mothers and daughters surveillanc

The Civil Rights Movement Essay -- Black struggle for civil rights in

In a Democracy the majority does not need any protection, because it is the majority which has control. However, as seen through history, even majorities can be tyrannical, and the minority needs protection from them. â€Å"Civil rights† is the term used when speaking of the privileges, immunities, and practices of freedom which are protected from violation by other citizens. That is the definition of civil rights, although when most people think of civil rights they instantly think it means black civil rights. This is understandable since blacks, more than any other minority group in America, have had the toughest and therefore the best known struggle for equal rights. This is due to the fact that most of the majority believed that when the people in the minority group are of another color, they are also different in other ways, and therefore, not entitled to quite the same rights and privileges. This belief was not limited to just the South. Discrimination has always been pervasive throughout all of Western civilization. This racist ideology has held the African Americans down in America for many years. It was not more than 150 years ago that Blacks were considered so inferior that they were held as slaves. African Americans have fought hard against the overwhelming racist powers to earn the rights that they have now. To say it has been a battle for civil rights is an understatement. It has been a hard fought war. A battle implies one fight, one clash. But it has taken fight after fight for African Americans to earn their freedom and equal rights. After earning freedom from slavery, Blacks fought for more than one hundred years to be considered equals in society. That struggle reached its climax during the1960s, when the biggest gains in the area of civil rights were made. Up to that time blacks and whites remained separate and blacks were still treated as inferiors. Everything from water fountains to city parks was segregated. Signs that read, â€Å"whites only, no coloreds† were all too commonplace on the doors of stores and restaurants throughout the southern states. Blacks and whites went to different schools where black children would have classes in shabby classrooms with poor, secondhand supplies. These are just a few examples of some of the many racial discriminations which blacks once had to face in America prior to the 1960s. ... ...is , 1990 This was also a pretty decent book. It was also not very substantive and is young adult/moron reading level. Although it is a simple, easy read, it did have some very interesting anecdotes which provide very good insight into King’s life which is not available anywhere else I looked Lewis, David L.- King:Critical Biography: Praeger Publishers: New York/Washington 1970- This was a very useful book. It provided some very good information on King. Although it is an extremely hard read it was very, very helpful. Current, Williams, Freidel, Brinkley. American History A Survey New York: Alfred A. Knopf inc, 1983-Used the textbook for info on the civil rights and King Haskins, James The Life and Death of Martin Luther King, Jr. New York:, Beach Tree Books 1977- This was a fair book. Has a nice biography but lacks anything real original. It was really just another bland King Biography that is just the facts and no real opinions or insight. Paris,Peter,. Black Religious Leaders New York: Westminster John Knox inc, 1991 –good book for my comparative analysis of King and X. Really provided insight into Malcolm’s beliefs and how they contrasted with King’s. The Civil Rights Movement Essay -- Black struggle for civil rights in In a Democracy the majority does not need any protection, because it is the majority which has control. However, as seen through history, even majorities can be tyrannical, and the minority needs protection from them. â€Å"Civil rights† is the term used when speaking of the privileges, immunities, and practices of freedom which are protected from violation by other citizens. That is the definition of civil rights, although when most people think of civil rights they instantly think it means black civil rights. This is understandable since blacks, more than any other minority group in America, have had the toughest and therefore the best known struggle for equal rights. This is due to the fact that most of the majority believed that when the people in the minority group are of another color, they are also different in other ways, and therefore, not entitled to quite the same rights and privileges. This belief was not limited to just the South. Discrimination has always been pervasive throughout all of Western civilization. This racist ideology has held the African Americans down in America for many years. It was not more than 150 years ago that Blacks were considered so inferior that they were held as slaves. African Americans have fought hard against the overwhelming racist powers to earn the rights that they have now. To say it has been a battle for civil rights is an understatement. It has been a hard fought war. A battle implies one fight, one clash. But it has taken fight after fight for African Americans to earn their freedom and equal rights. After earning freedom from slavery, Blacks fought for more than one hundred years to be considered equals in society. That struggle reached its climax during the1960s, when the biggest gains in the area of civil rights were made. Up to that time blacks and whites remained separate and blacks were still treated as inferiors. Everything from water fountains to city parks was segregated. Signs that read, â€Å"whites only, no coloreds† were all too commonplace on the doors of stores and restaurants throughout the southern states. Blacks and whites went to different schools where black children would have classes in shabby classrooms with poor, secondhand supplies. These are just a few examples of some of the many racial discriminations which blacks once had to face in America prior to the 1960s. ... ...is , 1990 This was also a pretty decent book. It was also not very substantive and is young adult/moron reading level. Although it is a simple, easy read, it did have some very interesting anecdotes which provide very good insight into King’s life which is not available anywhere else I looked Lewis, David L.- King:Critical Biography: Praeger Publishers: New York/Washington 1970- This was a very useful book. It provided some very good information on King. Although it is an extremely hard read it was very, very helpful. Current, Williams, Freidel, Brinkley. American History A Survey New York: Alfred A. Knopf inc, 1983-Used the textbook for info on the civil rights and King Haskins, James The Life and Death of Martin Luther King, Jr. New York:, Beach Tree Books 1977- This was a fair book. Has a nice biography but lacks anything real original. It was really just another bland King Biography that is just the facts and no real opinions or insight. Paris,Peter,. Black Religious Leaders New York: Westminster John Knox inc, 1991 –good book for my comparative analysis of King and X. Really provided insight into Malcolm’s beliefs and how they contrasted with King’s.

Free Essays - Catcher in the Rye :: Catcher Rye Essays

J.D Salinger gives his personal vision of the world successfully through his persona Holden Caulfield in the ‘Catcher in the Rye’.   Caulfield struggles with the background of New York to portray Salinger’s theme – you must live the world as it is, not as you would like it to be.   There by exposing Salinger’s vision on the world. Salinger went through many of the experiences Holden went though.   Salinger much like Holden had a sister that he loved very much, in the novel Phoebe is the only person that Holden speaks highly of; both men also spent time in a mental institution; Holden is telling the story from inside a institution; they were both kicked out of prep school and most importantly they were both a recluse from society.   This is why Salinger uses Holden as his persona all though out the book.   The ‘catcher in they Rye’ is almost like an autobiography for Salinger. He is using Holden as his persona to let us, the reader, dive into his thought pattern and find out some of the thoughts that he kept locked up in there. Salinger’s view of the world is lived out thought Holden – his persona. The novel is Holden’s steam of conscience as he is talking to a psychoanalyst â€Å"what would an psychoanalyst do†¦gets you to talk†¦for one thing he’d help you to recognise the patterns of your mind†. At the start of the novel it is addressed directly to us â€Å"if you really want to hear about it†. This gives us a sense of reality as though it is us that is the psychiatrist. We see the random thought patterns of Holden’s mind as he starts to feel more comfortable, Holden goes off on to many different tangents while he is talking. Salinger is using Holden as a type of easy way out to confess his view of the world.   This view is portrayed though two main aspects of the novel.   Firstly theme - you must live in a world as it is, not as you would like it to be.   Holden can’t seem to accept the world as it is and finds New York extremely â€Å"phoney†.   Holden has a great disliking for the movies, he finds them the phoniest of them all â€Å"I hate the movies like poison† and he cant believe that people actually make time to go to the there.

Ebonics and Education Essay

A Persuasive Research Paper on the Why Education Should Pave Way for Ebonics All a person needs to do is turn on the television or browse the Internet to see the proof that there are very important changes in the society. Among those changes is how the use of language increased and how its forms have greatly grown. With much slang, dialects and language transformation and combinations, the number of languages all over the world and not just in the United States, have significantly grown larger and bigger. However, the question of whether this continuous dynamic change in languages is for the better remains to be seen. This is because, though languages have changed and grown, problems caused by miscommunication and misunderstandings are still rampant and present. Although language and all its combinations with other languages aimed to bridge the gap between nations and cultures, different people with different origins and speech are still unable to bridge that gap. There are still many issues concerning the cropping up and usage of new languages. Most common among those is the problem that languages which are combined or which undergo a linguistic blend tends to be disruptive of formal, correct and grammatical language. A simple example would be those music videos which feature artists that combine and contract structure of words to make the song more likeable or even more attuned to the rhythm of the song. However, this has a negative effect as people, most especially young adults and children, become familiar with such language usage to the point that they begin to emulate them. Such debate has long been the topic in educational boards and institutions of whether they should correct and put stop to such language usage or encourage such exchange of words since clearly, the young are affected. In fact, Ebonics or Black English or African American English has become such a heated topic when it was quite obvious that there is a problem among the academics of African American students because they have such low grades and low performance levels that could be attributed to the usage of Ebonics. Many people sided against and for the encouragement of Ebonics. Study after study ensued to prove that Ebonics was an important and integral part of the many pupils and students since that is the language they actually use while others also discouraged its usage. Through this paper, it can be argued that Ebonics is not a mere slang which African American students can do without and that it is not something which should be corrected just because it is seen as ungrammatical. Instead, what the educational boards and institutions should do is cater to their learners and use Ebonics to implement knowledge transfer among their pupils and students and eventually make them learn and use Standard English. Ebonics is formally known as African American English or AAE according to the Center for Applied Linguistics (n. p. ). It is a kind of sociolect or social dialect where it is often used by people who are of African American origins in particular surroundings or situations. The difference of Ebonics with American English is its structure wherein African dialects and sounds are combined, blended, mixed with American English. American English is also sometimes contracted with African dialects or sounds to be inserted within the contractions. Such example is presented by John R. Rickford in his discussion of Ebonics as presented in the Website of the Stanford University. In the example, Rickford uses a simple sentence which is grammatically correct: â€Å"I asked Alvin if he could go† (n. p. ). He then conveys the example to a student known to use Ebonics and the student gives his own version of the sentence: â€Å"I as’ Alvin could he–could he go† (Rickford, n. p. ). Ebonics is not the mere transformation of structure of words to ungrammatically correct versions. In fact, though not completely grammatically acceptable, Ebonics is still considered a structured and coherent dialect. As what the Center for Applied Linguistics or CAL states, â€Å"AAE (or Ebonics) is a regular, systematic language variety that contrasts with other dialects in terms of its grammar, pronunciation and vocabulary† (n. p. ). Thus, Ebonics is not wrong or incorrect, it is merely different and a contradiction with other languages, in this case, the language of American English or Standard English. The origin of Ebonics is unclear but the origins of why it became a topic of heated arguments and debate is quite known. Because nations cater to other nations, and migration and immigration (and even simple leisure travel) are inevitable, it is also natural that the language which people of different cultures use would also be transferred and assimilated by other people with other languages. According to Ladonna Lewis Rush’s argumentative paper on the Ebonics debate titled The Ebonics Debate, the origins of Ebonics can be explained by Smitherman who wrote in Talking and Testifyin: Black English and the Black Experience that: Black English contains elements of Standard English, elements of West African languages, and elements unique to African-Americans. The structure of speech in Ebonics can be analyzed and related to African language structures as well as to the black experience in America. (as cited by Rush, n. p. ) Thus, Ebonic came about because the African Americans needed the language which they could adapt to and use while in America who used American English for their communication. Like what the CAL stated, Smitherman and Rush also believe that Ebonics is not mere slang which is featured and used by African American music artists but it is considered as a distinct dialect all on its own. The concept of Ebonics must have been unknown to most people before the year 1996 but because of a certain state in America, Ebonics and everything related to the dialect and term suddenly exploded to the point that it became a topic of debate. According to Tracey L. Weldon in her write up titled Reflections on the Ebonics Controversy which appeared in American Speech, the Oakland Unified School District in California passed a resolution on the month of December year 2006 that â€Å"recognized the legitimacy of Ebonics† and it called â€Å"for teachers in the district to be better educated about the rules governing the variety (Ebonics)† with the aim that the teachers would be able to improve â€Å"the teaching of standard English to Ebonics speakers† (275). The issue sparked up debate after debate because linguists approved the resolution stating it was correct and adequate while Ebonics speakers and family members of African American origins complained that it was an obvious tactic of discrimination and identification of who were the students that does not have the ability to speak the â€Å"proper English† (Weldon 276). Ebonics and the usage of the dialect is quite obvious in the society as it can be heard from people in most social gatherings, informal meetings and even in the media. According to Rickford, many terms and structures in Ebonics are used by common people because of what they have learned from â€Å"rap, hip hop† and other means of â€Å"popular Black culture† (n. p. ). As what Rickford uses to describe this massive usage of Ebonics in popular Black culture, it becomes â€Å"an icon of youth culture itself† wherein young African Americans are immediately identified as being users of Ebonics. Since Ebonics is a mere means of communication among African Americans, then it should not be a great deal of a problem. However, unfortunately, the usage of the sociolect has become increasingly an issue most especially in educational institutions wherein grammatically correct and linguistically sound structure and vocabulary should be used and encouraged. Rush points out the case why Ebonics has become a problem among pupils and students in schools and this is because they manage to have poor academic standing and it was revealed that because of this dialect that the students have such appalling results. Rush writes in her paper that â€Å"language skills are directly related to success in academics† (n. p. ). This is obviously true since language is used to communicate and interact with other people. Poor language skills or inability to produce and understand the language would make it for one’s self and for other people to have a clear conversation and communication. It is also Rush who pointed out that African American students have a high rate of being suspended (around 80%) and that the students are â€Å"lagging behind in measures of academic success† (n. p. ). There was also an article which appeared on NEA Today that interviewed Lisa Delpit who is a professor an author that focused on Ebonics. In the interview, Delpit mentioned the reason why Ebonics is important and why the resolution passed by the school district was commendable: Most of the African-American children in Oakland were performing miserably. But one school, the Prescott School, consistently performed near the top of the district. Its students were all low-income African-American children. And it adopted a program called the Standard English Proficiency, which uses the children’s home language and culture to teach them Standard English. (17). If Ebonics will be used to relate to the students and slowly pave their learning for Standard English, then there is a high possibility that African Americans’ percentage of academically challenged students would significantly decrease. The question then is how does one go on solving such problem to ensure a fool proof way of solving the issue? This of course lies with the educational board and teachers. Teachers in formal schools teach Standard English because it something which society and the rest of the English speakers use. There is no problem with using Ebonics if it is outside professional and academic grounds; it is after all part of the African American culture. However, Standard English should be the language that is encouraged by the teachers to be used by their students because it would help them in the long run. Based on different discussions on the resolution passed by the school district of Oakland, the debate on whether Ebonics should be studied by the district’s teachers and used to pave the way to teach Standard English should not even be a topic of debate. This is because the debate started because of a mere misunderstanding about the resolution, another proof that language does not only bridge gaps it also creates them, when people saw Standard English as the only form of English that linguists identified as â€Å"proper English†. Linguistically speaking, there is indeed a Standard English as what Weldon has stated but the term â€Å"proper English† is incorrect since there is no wrong or right English. If it can be remembered, Ebonics is even identified as being a dialect that is structured thus, it is very much acceptable. In conclusion, the issue that Ebonics be used to gap and slowly push the learners toward Standard English (as aimed by the resolution) is created by the definition and need of the Standard English. Standard English is not the only English nor is it the only form of the language which is encouraged to be used; instead, Standard English is something which is needed to make all forms of English languages coherent and uniform in the sense that there would be no linguistically and communicatively wrongly structured words. It is the same case of having a one school uniform designated to students of a school to identify who are the members of that school or the generally approved legal age for drinking or voting or driving. There is a common factor which envelopes the entities of a school, a state or a nation. Standard English therefore is needed by the Ebonics speakers if they are desirous of being successful in society which is also the language used by the many. Ebonics is not slang, wrong nor should it be discouraged. However, the Ebonics speakers should be able to understand that learning the Standard English is important since it would make them socially adept at communicating with other people. With all the turmoil and misunderstandings that society is currently under, it needs all the unity and harmony it can get—even if it just comes from having a language they can all understand and speak. Works Cited â€Å"A New Take on Ebonics and Teaching. † NEA Today 17. 2 (1998): 17. Academic Search Complete. EBSCO. Web. 26 July 2010. Center for Applied Linguistics. 2010. â€Å"Dialects – African American English†. Cal. org. Web. 26 July 2010. Rickford, John R. 1996. â€Å"Ebonics Notes and Discussion†. Stanford. edu. Web. 26 July 2010. Rush, Ladonna Lewis. â€Å"The Ebonics Debate†. Princeton. edu. College of Wooster. 1997. Web. 26 July 2010. Weldon, Tracey L. â€Å"Reflections on the Ebonics Controversy†. American Speech 75. 3 ( 2000): 275-277. Project MUSE. Web. 26 July 2010.